To delve into the sensational details of India’s partition, the political maneuvering of its leaders, and the influence of enchanting women, one must turn to India Wins Freedom by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. His book sparked a storm with tales of Nehru’s extramarital affair and how this romance fueled the flames of partition. Intriguingly, Maulana Azad dedicated the book to his friend Nehru, even while he served as India’s Prime Minister. In the lives of ordinary people, extramarital affairs usually remain within the confines of private bedrooms; in contrast, among extraordinary figures, such affairs can shape history. Such was the case with Nehru and Lady Edwina Mountbatten—a relationship that altered the course of nations.
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While Nehru needs no introduction, it is worth becoming acquainted with Lady Edwina. Born into the wealthy Lord family, her father was a British MP, and her mother was from a prosperous Jewish family. Orphaned at a young age, Edwina was raised by her grandfather, who gifted her £200,000 and a palatial residence in London on her 20th birthday. Edwina’s beauty captivated Europe’s elite bachelors, akin to Helen of Troy. As a rule, if a woman has wealth, men are drawn to her for financial security; if she has beauty, the wealthy turn her into a trophy; and if she possesses wealth, beauty, and youth, she becomes a deity of her era. Edwina epitomized this trifecta, becoming a symbol of European allure. At 21, she married Lord Mountbatten, a descendant of Queen Victoria and an officer in the Royal Navy.
By 1946, Mountbatten was Commander-in-Chief of British forces in Southeast Asia and, the following year, became India’s last Viceroy. Upon arriving in India, Edwina was captivated by Nehru’s charisma and intellect, sparking a legendary romance. By then, her marriage to Mountbatten had long deteriorated, yet they remained together for appearances. They lived under the same roof but slept in separate rooms, projecting an image of harmony for the public. Mountbatten was rumored to be homosexual and suffered from chronic back pain, while Edwina was notorious for her romantic escapades. In her 2012 memoir, Edwina’s daughter Pamela candidly confirmed her mother’s deep love for Nehru—a fact widely acknowledged within the family. When political opponents handed some of Nehru’s love letters to Jinnah, the latter refused to exploit them for political gain.
Initially, Nehru, Gandhi, and Patel vehemently opposed the idea of partition. However, the British cleverly exploited Nehru and Edwina’s relationship, persuading Nehru to agree to the division. Gandhi, despite being revered as a leader, became a mere puppet in Nehru’s strategic hands. Gandhi’s opposition crumbled under Nehru’s persuasion. However, Patel’s resistance remained an obstacle, given his strong nationalist stance and disdain for the Muslim League.
Patel’s eventual agreement to partition was as dramatic as it was ironic, overshadowing even Nehru and Edwina’s romance. Patel, known for his unwavering character and significant influence within Congress, initially dismissed the Muslim League’s leaders as unfit to govern. Yet, political cunning led him to capitulate, much to his own detriment. The appointment of Liaquat Ali Khan as Finance Minister in the interim government was a masterstroke by Jinnah, who anticipated the ministry’s pivotal role.
Liaquat Ali, aided by two experienced Muslim bureaucrats, thwarted Congress’s plans at every turn, forcing Patel to concede to partition. This marked a bitter defeat for Patel, whose nationalist dreams lay shattered.
Contrary to popular belief, Pakistan’s creation was not driven by religious clerics but by Western-educated leaders in suits and ties. Figures like Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani of Deoband predicted that Pakistan’s establishment would weaken Islam in Pakistan and marginalize it in India. Maulana Maududi went so far as to mock Pakistan as “Napak (impure) Pakistan.” Even Maulana Azad lamented the viability of such a ghostly state.
During the formation of the interim government, the British proposed that major parties share ministerial responsibilities. However, when Nehru was named the head of the interim government, the Muslim League initially refused to join. Congress repeatedly invited them, promising key portfolios, including the Home Ministry. Patel, however, retained this ministry, believing his hardline stance was indispensable. Ultimately, the Muslim League accepted the Finance Ministry—a decision that altered the power dynamics.
Using fiscal policies, Liaquat Ali Khan disrupted Congress’s operations, rejected Patel’s proposals, and levied high taxes on Hindu businesses. Congress leaders found themselves powerless against the bureaucratic blockade, which eroded their dreams of a united India. This tactical brilliance by Jinnah and his team forced Patel, Gandhi, and Nehru to accept partition as an inevitable solution.
While many attribute Pakistan’s creation solely to Jinnah, this narrative overlooks the contributions of bureaucrats like Ghulam Muhammad and Chaudhry Muhammad Ali. These men, alongside Jinnah, used political strategy to outmaneuver opponents.
Ultimately, Pakistan was not born out of religious fervor but through the combined efforts of pragmatists, opportunists, and romantics. A complex interplay of ambition, betrayal, and serendipity gave rise to a nation indebted to both its architects and the vicissitudes of history.
By Mohammed Rubel, Lived in Vienna
